@article{
 title = {The Impact of Splitting a Long Online Questionnaire on Data Quality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
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 keywords = {data quality,drop,long questionnaire,out,response rates,web surveys},
 pages = {31-42},
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 abstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
 journal = {Survey Research Methods},
 number = {1}
}

Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.

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@inBook{
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@inBook{
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@article{
 title = {The Activation of Populist Attitudes},
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 year = {2018},
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 keywords = {Chile,Greece,populism,populist attitudes,vote choice},
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 abstract = {Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hawkins, Kirk A. and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal and Andreadis, Ioannis},
 journal = {Government and Opposition}
}

Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.

@inProceedings{
 title = {Salient Issues in Greece According to Politicians},
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 booktitle = {11th Conference of Hellenic Political Science Association: European and Hellenic Politics during the Crisis}
}

@inProceedings{
 title = {Exploring Congruence and Polarization in Europe: A comparative approach},
 type = {inProceedings},
 year = {2018},
 keywords = {congruence,polarization,political elites,representation},
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@article{
 title = {Populism, Ethnic Nationalism and Xenophobia},
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 abstract = {In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {ANDREADIS, IOANNIS and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Demertzis, Nicolas},
 journal = {Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας}
}

In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.

@article{
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@article{
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@article{
 title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary Greek context},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Candidates,Greece,discourse,populism,surveys},
 pages = {446-464},
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 abstract = {ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
 journal = {European Politics and Society},
 number = {4}
}

ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@inBook{
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Item Response Times - Web surveys

@misc{
 title = {Using surveys to Measure the Populist attitudes of political elites and voters: a Greek pilot study of Supply and Demand},
 type = {misc},
 year = {2015},
 source = {Team Populism Conference: Solving the Puzzles of Populism},
 keywords = {Political Science},
 websites = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276263/?ln=en},
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@article{
 title = {Web surveys optimized for smartphones: Are there differences between computer and smartphone users?},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {213-228},
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 websites = {http://www.gesis.org/fileadmin/upload/forschung/publikationen/zeitschriften/mda/Vol.9_Heft_2/MDA_Vol9_2015-2.pdf#page=63},
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 abstract = {This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web
survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality. },
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 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
 journal = {Methods, Data, Analysis},
 number = {2}
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This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.

@inProceedings{
 title = {The Greek Voter according to HelpMeVote 2015 and ELNES 2015},
 type = {inProceedings},
 year = {2015},
 websites = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276186/?ln=en},
 city = {Montreal},
 id = {7220e0a1-aa5c-34ee-b288-551ec2007513},
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@article{
 title = {Political Representation in Bailed-out Southern Europe: Greece and Portugal Compared},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Austerity Policies,Bailouts,Economic Crisis,Greece,Political Representation,Portugal},
 pages = {413-433},
 volume = {19},
 websites = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {2},
 id = {8883ad6c-6f88-3db6-881d-64e23c19b877},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, José Manuel},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
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The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

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