Hellenic National Election Studies (ELNES)

@incollection{teperoglou_study_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {The {Study} of {Political} {Representation} in {Greece}: {Towards} new patterns following the economic crisis?},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/study-political-representation-greece-eftichia-teperoglou-ioannis-andreadis-theodore-chadjipadelis/e/10.4324/9780429400414-2?context=ubx&refId=07a928a1-a731-4c68-b747-fcc834edb344},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Andreadis, Ioannis and Chatzipantelis, Theodore},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
	note = {ECC: No Data (logprob: -222.959)},
}

@incollection{freire_methodological_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {Methodological {Challenges} in the {Study} of {Political} {Elites}: {Some} reflections from {Southern} {Europe}},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/methodological-challenges-study-political-elites-andr%C3%A9-freire-xavier-coller-ioannis-andreadis-antonio-jaime-sofia-serra-silva-evangelia-kartsounidou/e/10.4324/9780429400414-7},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Freire, André and Coller, Xavier and Andreadis, Ioannis and Jaime, Antonio M. and Serra da Silva, Sofia and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
}

@article{Andreadis,
	title = {The {Impact} of {Splitting} a {Long} {Online} {Questionnaire} on {Data} {Quality}},
	volume = {14},
	issn = {1864-3361},
	doi = {10.18148/SRM/2020.V14I1.7294},
	abstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-04-17},
	journal = {Survey Research Methods},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	month = apr,
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {data quality, drop, long questionnaire, out, response rates, web surveys},
	pages = {31--42},
}

Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.

@inproceedings{papaxanthi_measuring_2020,
	title = {Measuring the {Impact} of {Candidates}’ {Tweets} on their {Electoral} {Results}},
	url = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54504},
	abstract = {As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.},
	booktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2020},
	publisher = {ECPR},
	author = {Papaxanthi, Dimitra and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Andreadis, Ιoannis},
	year = {2020},
}

As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.

@article{Hawkins2018a,
	title = {The {Activation} of {Populist} {Attitudes}},
	volume = {55},
	issn = {0017-257X},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0017257X18000234/type/journal_article},
	doi = {10.1017/gov.2018.23},
	abstract = {Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2018-09-16},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	author = {Hawkins, Kirk A. K.A. and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	month = sep,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: Cambridge University Press},
	keywords = {Chile, Greece, populism, populist attitudes, vote choice},
	pages = {283--307},
}

Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.

@inproceedings{kartsounidou_exploring_2020,
	title = {Exploring {Congruence} in {Greece} (2009-2019)},
	url = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54503},
	booktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference}},
	publisher = {ECPR},
	author = {Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2020},
}

@inproceedings{tsigkou_using_2020,
	title = {Using web surveys to collect data from candidates: {Experience} from the 2019 {Greek} candidate survey},
	url = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54500},
	abstract = {Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.},
	booktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2020},
	publisher = {ECPR},
	author = {Tsigkou, M. and Kartsounidou, E. and Andreadis, I.},
	year = {2020},
}

Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.

@incollection{chapter10,
	title = {Conditional populist voting in {Chile}, {Greece}, {Spain}, and {Bolivia}},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Hawkins, Kirk A. and Llamazares, Ivan and Singer, Matthew M.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk A. and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {238--278},
}

@incollection{CastanhoSilva2017,
	title = {Public {Opinion} {Surveys}: a {New} {Scale}},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Castanho Silva, Bruno and Andreadis, Ioannis and Anduiza, Eva and Blanuša, Nebojša and Corti, Yazmin Morlet and Delfino, Gisela and Rico, Guillem and Ruth, Saskia P. and Spruyt, Bram and Steenbergen, Marco and Littvay, Levente},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {128--149},
}

@incollection{Andreadis2017,
	title = {Elite {Surveys}},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {112--127},
}

@inproceedings{Andreadis2018f,
	title = {Salient {Issues} in {Greece} {According} to {Politicians}},
	booktitle = {11th {Conference} of {Hellenic} {Political} {Science} {Association}: {European} and {Hellenic} {Politics} during the {Crisis}},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Papaxanthi, Dimitra},
	year = {2018},
}

@article{Andreadis2018a,
	title = {Validating and {Improving} {Voting} {Advice} {Applications}: {Estimating} {Party} {Positions} {Using} {Candidate} {Surveys}},
	volume = {9},
	issn = {2151-7509},
	url = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
	doi = {10.1515/spp-2018-0012},
	abstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-03-12},
	journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
	month = dec,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: De Gruyter},
	pages = {135--160},
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@inproceedings{andreadis_exploring_2018,
	address = {Hamburg},
	title = {Exploring {Congruence} and {Polarization} in {Europe}: {A} comparative approach},
	booktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2018},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	year = {2018},
	keywords = {congruence, polarization, political elites, representation},
}

@article{Andreadis2018,
	title = {Populism, {Ethnic} {Nationalism} and {Xenophobia}},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {1108-3697},
	url = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/sas/article/view/14712},
	doi = {10.12681/sas.14712},
	abstract = {In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.},
	number = {0},
	urldate = {2018-09-16},
	journal = {Science and Society, Review of Political and Moral Theory.},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Demertzis, Nicolas},
	month = may,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: National Documentation Centre},
	keywords = {CSES, Greece, Nationalism, Populism, national election studies},
	pages = {11--40},
}

In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.

@article{Andreadis2017a,
	title = {European {Populist} {Parties} in {Government}: {How} {Well} are {Voters} {Represented}? {Evidence} from {Greece}},
	volume = {23},
	issn = {14247755},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12255},
	abstract = {© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-06-07},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
	month = jun,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Congruence, Greece, Populism, Representation, Voting behavior},
	pages = {485--508},
}

© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

@article{Stavrakakis2017,
	title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary {Greek} context},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {2374-5118},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	doi = {10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	abstract = {ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2018-01-16},
	journal = {European Politics and Society},
	author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Candidates, Greece, discourse, populism, surveys},
	pages = {446--464},
}

ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@incollection{Andreadis2015h,
	address = {London},
	title = {Comparison of {Response} {Times} between {Desktop} and {Smartphone} {Users}},
	url = {http://www.ubiquitypress.com/site/chapters/10.5334/bar.e/},
	abstract = {Item Response Times - Web surveys},
	urldate = {2017-04-20},
	booktitle = {Mobile {Research} {Methods}: {Opportunities} and challenges of mobile research methodologies},
	publisher = {Ubiquity Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	editor = {Toninelli, Daniele and Pinter, Robert and de Pedraza, Pablo},
	month = sep,
	year = {2015},
	doi = {10.5334/bar.e},
	pages = {63--79},
}

Item Response Times - Web surveys

@inproceedings{Andreadis2015b,
	address = {Montreal},
	title = {The {Greek} {Voter} according to {HelpMeVote} 2015 and {ELNES} 2015},
	url = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276186/?ln=en},
	urldate = {2017-08-09},
	booktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2015},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2015},
}

@article{Andreadis2015c,
	title = {Web surveys optimized for smartphones: {Are} there differences between computer and smartphone users?},
	volume = {9},
	issn = {2190-4936},
	url = {http://mda.gesis.org/index.php/mda/article/view/2015.012},
	doi = {10.12758/mda.2015.012},
	abstract = {This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2017-06-23},
	journal = {Methods, Data, Analysis},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	month = dec,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {AJAX navigation, data quality, item response times, mobile surveys, smartphones, web surveys},
	pages = {213--228},
}

This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.

@inproceedings{andreadis_using_2015,
	address = {London},
	title = {Using {Surveys} to {Measure} the {Populist} {Attitudes} of {Political} {Elites} and {Voters}: {A} {Greek} {Pilot} {Study} of {Supply} and {Demand}},
	url = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276263/?ln=en},
	urldate = {2018-12-13},
	booktitle = {Team {Populism} {Conference} ‘{Solving} the {Puzzles} of {Populism}’},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Political Science},
}

@article{Freire2014a,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Bailed}-out {Southern} {Europe}: {Greece} and {Portugal} {Compared}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {413--433},
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@incollection{Andreadis2014,
	title = {Data {Quality} and {Data} {Cleaning}},
	isbn = {978-1-907301-73-5},
	urldate = {2017-06-10},
	booktitle = {Matching {Voters} with {Parties} and {Candidates}. {Voting} {Advice} {Applications} in {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	publisher = {ECPR Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	editor = {Garzia, Diego and Marschall, Stefan},
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {VAA},
	pages = {79--91},
}

@incollection{Andreadis2014a,
	address = {Colchester},
	title = {The impact of voting advice applications on vote choice},
	booktitle = {Matching {Voters} with {Parties} and {Candidates}. {Voting} {Advice} {Applications} in {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	publisher = {ECPR},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Wall, Mathew},
	editor = {Garzia, Diego and Marschall, Stefan},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {115--128},
}

@article{lisi_campaign_2014,
	title = {Campaign {Individualisation} before and after the {Bailout}: {A} {Comparison} between {Greece} and {Portugal}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984384},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.984384},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-11-11},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Lisi, Marco and Santana-Pereira, José},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {541--559},
}

@article{freire_awakening_2014,
	title = {Awakening the {Sleeping} {Giant} in {Greece} and {Portugal}? {Elites}' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {EU} {Integration} in {Difficult} {Economic} {Times}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Freire, André and Teperoglou, Eftichia and Moury, Catherine},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	pages = {477--499},
}

@article{teixeira_support_2014,
	title = {Support for {Democracy} in {Times} of {Crisis}: {Diffuse} and {Specific} {Regime} {Support} in {Portugal} and {Greece}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.975770},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.975770},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-11-11},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Teixeira, Conceição Pequito and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil and Belchior, Ana Maria},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {501--518},
}

@article{Teperoglou2014,
	title = {Elites' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {Austerity} {Policies} and their {Consequences} in {Greece} and {Portugal}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	abstract = {© 2014 Taylor \& Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Freire, André and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {457--476},
}

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.

@article{teperoglou_dealignment_2014,
	title = {Dealignment, {De}-legitimation and the {Implosion} of the {Two}-{Party} {System} in {Greece}: {The} {Earthquake} {Election} of 6 {May} 2012},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {1745-7289},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17457289.2014.892495},
	doi = {10.1080/17457289.2014.892495},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-11-11},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	month = apr,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {222--242},
}

@article{Tsatsanis2014,
	title = {The {Impact} of the {Economic} {Crisis} on the {Ideological} {Space} in {Portugal} and {Greece}: {A} {Comparison} of {Elites} and {Voters}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983317},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983317},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Tsatsanis, Emmanouil and Freire, André and Tsirbas, Yannis},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {519--540},
}

@inproceedings{Andreadis:2013:VAA:2490257.2490263,
	address = {New York, New York, USA},
	title = {Voting advice applications},
	isbn = {978-1-4503-1851-8},
	doi = {10.1145/2490257.2490263},
	abstract = {Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	booktitle = {Proceedings of the 6th {Balkan} {Conference} in {Informatics} on - {BCI} '13},
	publisher = {ACM Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2013},
	note = {Series Title: ACM International Conference Proceeding Series},
	keywords = {AJAX, Civic education, Elections, JQuery mobile, Voting advice applications, ajax, civic education, elections, jQuery mobile, jquery mobile, voting advice applications},
	pages = {251},
}

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.

@inproceedings{Andreadis2013a,
	address = {Mannheim, Germany},
	title = {Who responds to website visitor satisfaction surveys?},
	abstract = {March 04-06, 2013},
	urldate = {2017-06-10},
	booktitle = {General {Online} {Research} {Conference} ({GOR13})},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2013},
}

March 04-06, 2013

@inproceedings{Andreadis2012c,
	address = {Madrid},
	title = {To clean or not to clean? {Improving} the quality of {VAA} data},
	urldate = {2017-06-10},
	booktitle = {{XXII} {World} {Congress} of {Political} {Science} ({IPSA})},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2012},
}